SEC v. Jarkesy
SEC v. Jarkesy held that when the SEC seeks civil penalties for securities fraud, the defendant has a Seventh Amendment right to a jury trial in federal court — meaning the agency cannot adjudicate the case internally using its own administrative law judges.
When a federal agency accuses you of breaking the law and wants to impose a financial penalty, who decides your case? For decades, agencies like the SEC had a choice: they could sue you in federal court, where you'd get a judge and a jury, or they could bring the case in-house, where one of their own ALJs would hear the evidence, make findings of fact, and impose the penalty. The agency picked the forum. And unsurprisingly, agencies often preferred their own tribunals — home court advantage with decision-makers who specialize in the agency's area of law.
In SEC v. Jarkesy, the Supreme Court said there's a constitutional limit on that choice. When the government seeks civil penalties for conduct that would have been tried at common law, the Seventh Amendment guarantees the defendant a jury trial in an Article III court. The SEC can't route those cases through its internal adjudication system. The decision doesn't eliminate agency enforcement — agencies can still use administrative proceedings for other types of relief, like cease-and-desist orders or license revocations. But for cases seeking money penalties, the defendant gets a jury.
The implications extend well beyond the SEC. Dozens of federal agencies — the FTC, the EPA, OSHA, the CFPB — use internal adjudication to impose civil penalties. Jarkesy raises the question of whether those proceedings are constitutional when they deny defendants the right to a jury. The decision doesn't answer that question for every agency, but it establishes the framework that future challenges will use.
Jarkesy is one attack on the SEC's institutional structure. Trump v. Slaughter (2026) is another, arriving from a different direction. Where Jarkesy limits when the SEC can adjudicate cases in-house (the Seventh Amendment forecloses in-house forums for common-law-like penalty actions), Slaughter changes who runs the SEC that still can. The Court in Slaughter overruled Humphrey's Executor and held that agency officials exercising executive power must be removable at will by the president. The SEC commissioners who oversee the enforcement division that brings in-house cases — and who review those cases on appeal — are now among the officials the president can fire without cause. For the in-house adjudications that do survive Jarkesy (the many varieties of cease-and-desist orders, license revocations, and other non-penalty relief the agency still handles internally), the accountability structure surrounding those proceedings has substantially shifted. Jarkesy took certain cases out of the SEC's in-house tribunal. Slaughter changed the political character of the tribunal that remains. In the When the Agency Reviews Itself episode, we describe how the reversal patterns in what's left of the SEC's in-house system consistently favor enforcement — a pattern that already troubled critics of the SEC's structural bias. Post-Slaughter, that pattern happens in a world where the commissioners doing the reversing serve at the president's pleasure.
In this episode, we explain what Jarkesy held, why it matters, and what it means for the balance of power between agencies and the people they regulate.
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What We Cover
- What SEC v. Jarkesy held: the Seventh Amendment right to a jury trial applies when agencies seek civil penalties for fraud
- Why the SEC preferred in-house adjudication — and what structural advantages it gave the agency
- The Seventh Amendment analysis: how the Court determined that securities fraud claims are the type of action that would have been tried at common law
- The distinction between cases seeking monetary penalties and cases seeking other types of agency relief — and why it matters for which forum applies
- How Jarkesy interacts with the broader debate over ALJ independence and the structure of agency adjudication
- The implications for other agencies: whether the FTC, EPA, OSHA, and other agencies that impose civil penalties through internal proceedings face similar constitutional challenges
- How this decision fits into the larger pattern — alongside Loper Bright, Corner Post, and the major questions doctrine — of the Court constraining agency power
Full Rough Transcript
S2E8 Transcript — SEC v. Jarkesy (CORRECTED)
Gwen: Hello, and
welcome to Administrative Remedies, because you can’t fix what you don’t
understand. Brought to you in part by the University of Tulsa College of Law.
I’m Gwendolyn Savitz, an associate professor here at TU and the associate dean
of research and intellectual life.
Marc: And I’m Marc
Roark. I’m the dean of the College of Law.
Gwen: We’ll be
breaking down complex doctrines with real-life analogies and examples to
demystify the world of administrative law for everyone trying to understand how
government actually works.
Marc: Agencies are
the main way the federal government gets things done. It’s not through Congress
for reasons we’ll be addressing over the course of this series.
Gwen: All right,
Marc, we are going back to the babysitter. Let’s say the parents leave a note
that says the kids must have milk with dinner.
Marc: OK, that’s
pretty specific, but all right. Milk’s good for your bones.
Gwen: So this rule
that you have to have milk with dinner, would you say that has existed since
time immemorial?
Marc: No, that is
definitely very specific to individual households. I mean, some families will
do juice, some do water, some do wine, some don’t care.
Gwen: It’s a rule
because the parents said so. Okay, so this is a created rule. What about “don’t
hit your sister”?
Marc: Okay, that’s
getting a little different. You shouldn’t hit people. It’s wrong whether the
parents specifically said it or not.
Gwen: So that one,
we don’t necessarily need a household rule to know that you can’t hit people.
That obligation existed before the parents said anything.
Marc: Sure. One
rule is invented by the household. The other one is just, I don’t know, common
sense.
Gwen: All right.
Let’s say babysitter’s there. It’s 6:30 on Tuesday. The kid is refusing to
drink milk. Babysitter says, drink it. He says, no. She says, fine, no dessert.
Handled.
Marc: Yeah, clearly
within her authority. The parents made the rule. She’s enforcing it.
Gwen: So then an
hour later, the kid hits his sister. So what is the babysitter going to do now?
Marc: OK, she
should handle it. Separate them, send him to his room. No screens for the rest
of the night. You know, whatever the range of household consequences are.
Gwen: That makes
sense. She saw it. She’s right there. She knows you started it. She knows the
context. She’s been with them all evening. It would be absurd to say, sorry,
hitting predates my authority as a babysitter. I need to call in an outside
party to adjudicate this.
Marc: Yeah, nobody
would expect that. The babysitter should be able to handle both kinds of
situations.
Gwen: Yes. Whether
the kid broke a household rule or did something that’s been wrong since the
beginning of time, the babysitter is the right person to deal with it in that
moment.
Marc: OK, so that
sounds like we’re leading up to a problem in administrative law.
Gwen: Indeed, we
are. For agencies, there is a line of Supreme Court cases that goes back almost
200 years that says it matters what kind of rule was broken, not for practical
reasons, for constitutional reasons. When Congress creates a brand new
obligation that didn’t exist before, like a regulatory requirement, licensing
scheme, reporting mandate, there’s no question Congress can assign that to an
agency. No jury. These are public rights.
Marc: Okay, the
milk rule. Congress made it. The babysitter enforces it.
Gwen: Yeah, but if
somebody violates an obligation that existed before any agency, like fraud or
trespass, the equivalent of hitting your sister, these are private rights. And
private rights have always carried protections, including the right to a jury
trial under the Seventh Amendment.
Marc: OK, so this
is the hitting rule. It predated the babysitter. So it has to go through the
full panoply of process.
Gwen: Right. It has
to go to a court with a jury, even if the babysitter is right there, even if
she saw the whole thing, even if she’s been handling exactly these kinds of
disputes for decades.
Marc: Although
that’s— I mean, we could have a babysitter who’s been doing it for decades. A
professional babysitter.
Gwen: Yes. Frankly,
better at it than whoever else would be.
Marc: So that feels
like it creates this real tension, right? The constitutional principle says one
thing and the practical reality says another.
Gwen: Yes, that is
exactly the tension. And for most of administrative law, it’s been pretty
manageable. Most of what agencies do really are genuinely new obligations.
Workplace safety standards, environmental regulations, licensing requirements.
These are milk-type rules. Congress created them. Agencies enforce them. No
constitutional problem. But then some agencies do enforce things that look a
lot more like the hitting rule.
Marc: Yes. So in
particular, a lot of agencies enforce variations of fraud. The SEC goes after
fraud. The FTC goes after deception. These agencies have been handling these
types of cases in-house for decades and doing it just fine. They’re like the
babysitter who saw the whole thing.
Gwen: But the
Supreme Court said that for certain kinds of cases, that doesn’t matter. If the
underlying wrong existed before the agency did, the Constitution requires a
jury.
Marc: Okay. So the
question isn’t whether the babysitter did a good job. It’s whether they had the
authority to act in the first place.
Gwen: Exactly. This
is SEC v. Jarkesy. And whether you think the court got it right depends on
whether you think the constitutional categories should bend to practical
reality or whether practical reality should bend to the Constitution.
Marc: All right.
Before we get to Jarkesy, we have to talk about the framework the court was
working with. This wasn’t new. Like I said, this distinction between public
rights and private rights had been part of constitutional law since the 1850s.
Gwen: If we go back
all the way to the 1850s, we have Murray’s Lessee. This is an instance where
the Treasury Department seizes property to recover money that a customs
collector had embezzled. So the question is whether the government could do
that through an administrative process with no court, no jury, or whether the
property owner had a right to go before an Article III judge.
Marc: Okay. And
even then, the question was whether administrative processes could substitute
for judicial process.
Gwen: Yes. And so
the court drew a line that shaped administrative law ever since. Here’s what it
said.
Marc: There are
matters involving public rights which may be presented in such form that the
judicial power is capable of acting on them, and which are susceptible of
judicial determination, but which Congress may or may not bring within the
cognizance of the courts of the United States, as it may deem proper.
Gwen: All right. So
we have this category of disputes called public rights where Congress has
discretion. It can send it to a court, but it can also set up its own system.
Marc: But there is
a boundary.
Gwen: Right. The
court made clear that Congress’s flexibility doesn’t extend to the types of
claims that law and equity courts had traditionally handled. Things like
property disputes, fraud, contract actions. Those stayed with Article III
courts.
Marc: Yeah. And so
even in 1855, there’s a constitutional floor. Congress gets the flexibility on
one side of the line, but not on the other.
Gwen: Right. But
the modern version of this doctrine, the one Jarkesy had to deal with, came
from a 1977 case called Atlas Roofing, or Atlas Roofing v. Occupational Safety
and Health Review Commission. Atlas Roofing is essential to understanding
Jarkesy because it is the case that defined when agencies can impose civil
penalties through their own proceedings without running afoul of the Seventh
Amendment.
Gwen: OSHA cited
Atlas Roofing for workplace safety violations, and they imposed civil
penalties. And Atlas Roofing said, you can’t fine us without a jury trial.
That’s what the Seventh Amendment says.
Marc: And the court
said?
Gwen: The court
upheld OSHA’s enforcement scheme. Here’s the key passage. This is the language
that agencies have relied on for almost 50 years.
Marc: When Congress
creates new statutory public rights, it may assign their adjudication to an
administrative agency with which a jury trial would be incompatible, without
violating the Seventh Amendment’s injunction that jury trial is to be preserved
in suits at common law. Congress is not required by the Seventh Amendment to
choke the already crowded federal courts with new types of litigation or
prevented from committing some new types of litigation to administrative
agencies with special competence in the relevant field.
Gwen: That last
part is really important where they’re talking about new types of litigation.
Atlas Roofing said when Congress creates brand new regulatory obligations and
then creates an enforcement mechanism for those, the whole package is a public
right.
Marc: Okay.
Congress built the rule, and Congress gets to decide how it’s enforced.
Gwen: Right. But
there’s another issue. What was OSHA actually penalizing? A company’s
negligence causing physical harm. That has common law roots going back
centuries.
Marc: Couldn’t
Atlas Roofing have just said, this is really just a negligence suit, and
negligence suits always have had juries?
Gwen: Yes,
absolutely. That’s functionally what they’re arguing. And that’s what made
Atlas Roofing so important. The court didn’t look underneath the statute to
find common law analogs. It looked at the whole statutory scheme that Congress
had built. OSHA standards, OSHA inspections, OSHA penalties, and said this is a
new regulatory program. And the fact that negligence existed at common law
didn’t matter.
Gwen: Right. It
didn’t matter because Congress had created this comprehensive enforcement
system that was completely different in kind from a private tort suit.
Marc: So Atlas
Roofing says when Congress builds the whole system, the system is the public
right, even if pieces of it resemble things courts used to handle.
Gwen: Right. That’s
the logic. And here’s the passage that explicitly talks about the boundary.
Marc: In cases in
which public rights are being litigated, e.g., cases in which the government
sues in its sovereign capacity to enforce public rights created by statutes
within the power of Congress to enact, the Seventh Amendment does not prevent
Congress from assigning the factfinding function and initial adjudication to an
administrative forum with which the jury would be incompatible.
Gwen: When Congress
creates the right, Congress controls the remedy, including whether you get a
jury. And again, that held up for decades, which is why what happened next was
so striking.
Gwen: Here is where
the framework ran into trouble. Congress didn’t just create regulatory schemes
for genuinely new obligations. It also built enforcement systems that include
conduct that certainly seems like or similar to other conduct with deep common
law roots.
Marc: Like the SEC.
Marc: Yes. So
Congress created the securities laws, the Securities Act of 1933, Securities
Exchange Act of 1934. These statutes create new obligations. They required
registration. They required disclosure. There were specific trading rules.
Those were clearly statutory creations. Those are public rights.
Marc: Okay. So far,
so good.
Marc: So what does
the SEC actually prosecute most often, though?
Gwen: Fraud. Making
false statements to investors. Misleading people to take their money.
Marc: Okay. That
seems to cut two ways, though. Section 10(b) and Rule 10b-5 create specific
obligations that didn’t exist at common law. Insider trading prohibitions, the
duty to disclose material information to the market, those are statutory
creations. You couldn’t bring a 10b-5 case in 1791 because, candidly, 10b-5
didn’t exist.
Gwen: But at the
same time, if you strip away the statutory framework, what’s left underneath?
Someone lied to get someone else’s money. That’s common law fraud. Courts have
been trying that with juries for centuries.
Marc: Every modern
statute builds at least to some extent on something that existed before.
Employment discrimination builds on wrongful discharge. Environmental penalties
build on nuisance. Antitrust builds on restraint of trade. And Atlas Roofing
itself, negligence that kills a worker, has deep common law roots and the court
still called it a public right.
Gwen: Right. If you
always dig underneath a statute and find a common law ancestor, the public
rights doctrine collapses.
Marc: And so which
is it? Is securities fraud a new public right or is it an old private one?
Gwen: You can
defend both characterizations, but you could have said exactly the same thing
in Atlas Roofing. Negligence killed a worker. That has centuries of common law
history. The court didn’t care. It looked at the statutory scheme Congress
built and called it a public right.
Marc: Which means
the government had a very simple argument. This is the exact same case.
Gwen: Right. And in
oral argument, Justice Kagan made it for them. She told the government’s lawyer
that if you read Atlas Roofing and then look at the question presented, you
wonder why this case is even here, since Atlas Roofing simply resolves it.
Marc: That’s a
strong opening position from the bench.
Gwen: It is, with
good reason. And she was no gentler with Jarkesy’s attorney. She said Atlas
Roofing could not have been clearer that the Seventh Amendment was no bar. And
she walked through the parallel herself. The OSH Act builds a prophylactic
scheme on top of an existing common law remedy, and the securities laws do the
exact same thing.
Marc: Okay. Was he
successful distinguishing it?
Gwen: No. He really
wasn’t. He eventually conceded that this was a settled point only because no
one had challenged it since Atlas Roofing. Kagan agreed and added that that was
because nobody had had the chutzpah to try. Everyone really did think these
were settled questions.
Marc: So the
majority had to get around all of that.
Gwen: Right. And so
the answer in their opinion is just that fraud is different, that it’s so close
to the historic core of common law jury trials that Congress cannot reassign
it. But the opinion never explains why negligence causing death is further from
that core than fraud causing financial loss. It’s really an assertion, not an
argument.
Marc: OK, so what
then changed? If nobody had the chutzpah to challenge this for decades, why
now?
Gwen: All right. So
two things. One, this court has indicated a willingness to reconsider virtually
every aspect of the administrative state. And then for this case specifically,
there was Dodd-Frank. Before it was passed in 2010, the SEC could only seek
civil penalties through in-house proceedings against regulated entities,
broker-dealers, investment advisors, people who had registered with the SEC. If
they wanted penalties against anyone else, they had to go to federal court.
Marc: And
Dodd-Frank removed that limitation.
Gwen: Exactly.
Suddenly, the SEC can pursue civil penalties against anybody it wants through
its own administrative proceedings. And so the SEC starts routing more and more
enforcement actions through their own process in-house.
Gwen: Which is
where George Jarkesy shows up. He ran two hedge funds. The SEC accused him of
misleading investors about the fund’s size and performance and investment
strategy. These were violations of the Securities Act. They brought the case
in-house. Through their own enforcement division, prosecuted it. An SEC
administrative law judge presided, and there’s no jury.
Marc: And how long
did that take?
Gwen: It dragged on
for years. And we can also think about the asymmetry here. The SEC’s
enforcement division has the full machinery of a federal agency. And Jarkesy is
just one defendant, hiring his own lawyers, fighting the agency on the agency’s
home court.
Marc: Right. The
rules of evidence were more relaxed than federal court, which also generally
favored the agency presenting the case.
Gwen: What kind of
penalties were there?
Gwen: There were
civil penalties of $300,000 and a lifetime bar from working in the industry. He
could never work in securities again.
Marc: Okay. They
weren’t just telling him to stop. They were punishing him. And his argument was
straightforward.
Marc: Here’s, I
guess, we probably should have done this earlier, but we might as well read the
Seventh Amendment now.
Marc: In suits at
common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the
right of trial by jury shall be preserved.
Gwen: So
“preserved.” The Seventh Amendment doesn’t create a new right. It preserves the
right as it existed when the Constitution was ratified. So the question
becomes, in 1791, would a case like this have gone to a jury? Someone accused
of lying to investors to take their money, that potentially could be a common
law fraud case.
Marc: So that’s
Jarkesy’s argument. And the SEC’s response is Atlas Roofing itself, that
Congress created the securities laws. Congress created SEC enforcement. It
created this comprehensive statutory scheme as a public right, just like OSHA’s
scheme was also a public right.
Gwen: OK, what did
the court say? Let’s read from Chief Justice Roberts’s opinion.
Marc: The threshold
issue is whether this action implicates the Seventh Amendment. It does. The
SEC’s antifraud provisions replicate common law fraud, and it is well
established that common law claims must be heard by a jury.
Gwen: The court
here is saying this really isn’t a new obligation that Congress just invented.
It’s fraud. Courts have been trying fraud with juries for centuries. And you
can’t escape the Seventh Amendment by calling common law fraud “securities
fraud” and routing it through an agency.
Marc: OK, but the
label didn’t control in Atlas Roofing either. And the agency won. OSHA’s
workplace safety violation label was covering what was functionally a
negligence claim. The court said it was a public right because Congress built
the statutory scheme.
Gwen: Roberts is
reaching the opposite result.
Marc: All right. So
the majority is claiming this is about proximity to the common law core and
that fraud is closer to the heart of what juries did.
Marc: But the
opinion doesn’t give a clear test for measuring that distance.
Gwen: No, it
doesn’t, which is probably because they’re the same distance. But it says
securities fraud is “in the nature of a common law action.” And again, it
doesn’t explain why OSHA penalties for conduct that kills someone aren’t
equally in the nature of a common law action.
Marc: Which means
the next time an agency action gets challenged, courts are going to have a very
hard time predicting which side of the line it’s on.
Gwen: Right. So
that uncertainty is itself a consequence of this opinion.
Gwen: So here’s the
law after Jarkesy. Atlas Roofing is still good law for truly new obligations.
Congress can still assign enforcement of genuinely novel regulatory
requirements to agencies without having to use juries. But if the government is
seeking civil penalties for conduct that is “in the nature of a common law
action,” the Seventh Amendment will require a jury.
Marc: OK, but the
court never clearly explains what “in the nature of” means or how close is too
close.
Gwen: Right. And
there are a lot of agency enforcement actions that live in this gray zone. The
space between “Congress clearly invented this obligation” and “this is just a
relabeled common law claim.”
Gwen: So the False
Claims Act. Someone filed a fraudulent invoice with the federal government to
get paid for work that they didn’t do. That’s fraud. But the injured party is
the federal treasury. The obligation to bill accurately is entirely statutory.
And the government is both the victim and the enforcer.
Marc: So is that a
public right because it’s about protecting government funds or a private right
because the mechanism is fraud?
Marc: Right. You
can characterize it either way.
Gwen: There’s also
tax fraud. The obligation to pay income tax is purely statutory. There’s no
common law analog at all there. But if you file a fraudulent return, the IRS
isn’t just saying you miscalculated. It’s saying you lied.
Gwen: Right. And
lying to obtain money is fraud at common law. So is the penalty about the tax
obligation or about the fraud?
Marc: Okay. What
about FDA misbranding cases?
Marc: Okay. We can
have a supplement company putting false claims on a label. And there are many
supplement companies putting false claims on labels. The specific labeling
requirements are modern regulatory creation, but selling someone a product by
lying about what’s in it, that’s been actionable since before the Constitution
was written.
Gwen: Environmental
penalties?
Marc: The EPA fines
a company for dumping chemicals in a river.
Gwen: All right, so
potentially safer for the agency, but nuisance is another cause of action. And
same thing for the EPA pursuing a company for knowingly filing false compliance
reports.
Marc: OK, lying to
the government, that starts to look a lot more like fraud, though.
Gwen: So the same
agency could have some enforcement actions that require juries and others that
don’t, depending on what the underlying claim looks like.
Marc: And when
agencies and defendants disagree about the category, courts will then step in
and decide.
Gwen: Yes, that is
a significant shift.
Marc: And the
dissent makes a constitutional argument that goes beyond just counting affected
statutes. Here, read this from the Sotomayor dissent.
Marc: The
constitutionality of hundreds of statutes may now be in peril, and dozens of
agencies could be stripped of their power to enforce laws enacted by Congress.
Today’s decision is a massive sea change. Litigants seeking further dismantling
of the administrative state have reason to rejoice in their win today. But
those of us who cherish the rule of law have nothing to celebrate.
Marc: That’s pretty
strong language.
Marc: It is. And
there’s a structural argument behind it. Her concern here is that when Congress
creates a comprehensive regulatory scheme and assigns enforcement of that to an
agency, the entire scheme is a public right. That’s what Atlas Roofing said.
You can’t disassemble the machinery and say, this gear looks like it came from
an older machine, so it needs a jury.
Marc: Because
Congress built the securities enforcement system as a unified whole.
Gwen: Right. So the
fraud provisions, the disclosure requirements, the penalty structures, they all
work together. Pulling out the fraud pieces and sending them to federal court
while leaving the rest in-house doesn’t just change procedure, it breaks the
design.
Gwen: That’s
basically the Atlas Roofing argument applied consistently. Whether you think
that’s the right answer or not, it is a serious constitutional position that
four decades of practice supported. The majority had to work around Atlas
Roofing to get where it got. And whether you think they succeeded depends on
whether “fraud is different” is a constitutional principle, or just an
intuition from a court that currently disfavors the administrative state.
Marc: The SEC can
still bring fraud cases, can’t it? They just have to go through federal court,
not their own internal processes.
Gwen: Yes, they can
still bring these cases, but the forum changes things about how the enforcement
works. When the SEC was bringing enforcement actions in-house between 2010 and
2015, they won over 90% of the time.
Marc: Wow, 90%.
Gwen: And in
federal court at the same time, they were winning under 70% of the time.
Marc: Okay, that’s
a significant gap.
Gwen: There are
legitimate structural reasons for the gap. Administrative proceedings are
designed for these cases. The judges here are specialists. The process is
streamlined. They may well have been routing stronger cases in-house. And that
system caught a lot of real fraudsters.
Marc: Yes. It
captured Ponzi schemes, insider trading rings, market manipulation. This
in-house enforcement process identified and punished genuine wrongdoing
efficiently for years.
Gwen: But the
ability to bring things in-house also gave the agency leverage to push
settlements.
Marc: Sure. If
you’re a defendant and you know the SEC wins 90% of the cases in their own
forum, you’re probably going to settle, even if you think you’re innocent. Why
fight when the numbers are that tilted?
Gwen: Right. So
it’s also possible that people didn’t contest things they might have if they
thought it was going before a jury. The forum choice doesn’t just change the
outcome at trial. It could affect whether there’s a trial at all.
Gwen: And we’ll
never really know because settlements don’t produce opinions. Those cases just
disappear into consent orders.
Gwen: OK, so that’s
the case for Jarkesy. Bringing these cases back to federal court levels the
playing field. But there’s also a cost. Federal court litigation is expensive
for the government. The SEC has a limited enforcement budget. If every fraud
case has to go through full federal court litigation with a jury, that is more
expensive. The SEC is going to be bringing fewer cases.
Marc: So, Jarkesy
might actually reduce enforcement.
Gwen: It almost
certainly will, which means that more fraud goes unpunished. The same structure
that protects innocent defendants from the pressure of in-house proceedings
also protects guilty ones.
Marc: Yeah. It
feels like there’s a couple of things that are true here at the same time.
Gwen: Yes, it is.
And, you know, different cases, different facts. But structurally, the shift is
clear. Agency enforcement just got harder and more expensive.
Marc: So is this an
instance of the court crib-strangling administrative agencies?
Gwen: One of the
many. Yes. One of the many. This is the same year as Loper Bright, same year as
Corner Post.
Marc: And this was
like the minor case that year.
Gwen: Oh, wow. OK.
That was a bad year.
Marc: That’s when
you’re like, oh, the administrative state can’t get any worse than this. Got
it.
Gwen: All right. So
let’s be precise about what this case actually changes and what it doesn’t. It
says when the government seeks civil penalties, monetary punishment for conduct
that resembles a common law cause of action like fraud, at least as it’s used
by the SEC, the defendant gets a jury trial. That limits the SEC and it will
likely limit other agencies that pursue similar enforcement actions.
Marc: OK, what
doesn’t it do?
Gwen: It doesn’t
end agency adjudication altogether. Social Security hearings continue.
Immigration proceedings continue. Benefit determinations, licensing decisions,
permit disputes. These are all clearly public rights, all untouched.
Marc: So this isn’t
a wrecking ball aimed at all agency adjudication. But for enforcement actions,
particularly since no one knows where the line is, it is a really big deal.
Entire enforcement programs were built around it. The SEC, the FTC, the CFTC.
They all structured their operations on the assumption that their comprehensive
statutory schemes were public rights, just like OSHA’s.
Gwen: And let’s
just remind ourselves that Dodd-Frank was adopted by Congress specifically in
the context of a public that had lost confidence in the way securities were
being handled, both by the government and in the private sphere. And so
Dodd-Frank put the guardrails around the securities practice in order to create
that confidence back for the public.
Marc: Yeah, this
was important. They’re obviously trying to increase enforcement by the SEC.
This decision has the opposite effect.
Marc: So every
agency with enforcement power is going to have defendants arguing that Jarkesy
requires a jury for their case.
Marc: Yes, and some
will succeed. Some won’t. The boundaries will take years to settle. They will
also probably be different in different places because that’s how circuit
splits work.
Marc: And while
they settle, agencies will not know what they can do in-house.
Marc: Right. We
talked about how adjudication exists for efficiency, expertise, and volume. If
you’re moving cases to federal courts, you’re losing all three of those.
Federal courts are slower, federal juries are generalists, and the federal
docket is already overloaded.
Gwen: So, the other
thing, Jarkesy answered the Seventh Amendment question, but it left that other
question hanging. The ALJ independence question from Lucia.
Marc: Right. If
adjudicators are officers of the United States and if officers must be
removable by the president, then the for-cause protection that ALJs currently
enjoy might be unconstitutional. The Fifth Circuit said that ALJ independence
was unconstitutional and the Supreme Court didn’t disagree. It just didn’t need
to decide it because it resolved the case on Seventh Amendment grounds.
Marc: And so that’s
still out there.
Marc: It is, and
Jarkesy makes clear that the court is really skeptical of agency adjudication
if any sort of punishment is involved. Even if ALJs potentially survive for
benefits cases, which they might, their role in enforcement proceedings is
probably also under a real cloud.
Marc: Especially
combined with what’s happening on the removal power front that we covered in
Season 1.
Gwen: Right. It all
connects. The same court that’s skeptical of agency independence is also
skeptical of agency adjudication, at least when the stakes look like punishment
rather than benefits administration.
Gwen: Okay, so
here’s what I’m taking away. The public rights doctrine says Congress can
assign truly new obligations to agencies for adjudication without juries. But
when Congress gives agencies enforcement power over conduct that looks like
common law claims, especially fraud, the Seventh Amendment still applies. At
least that’s what the law is right now.
Marc: Yeah. So the
hard part isn’t the principle. This is reasonably intuitive. The hard part is
that this is coming almost 50 years after Atlas Roofing. The agencies were
operating on the understanding that when Congress builds a comprehensive
regulatory scheme, the whole scheme is a public right, even the parts that
resemble common law claims. Jarkesy says that understanding was wrong, at least
for fraud, and a lot of enforcement infrastructure was built on the old
understanding.
Marc: Yeah, Atlas
Roofing drew a line. Jarkesy then moved it.
Gwen: Yes, that’s
what I would say. But people could argue it just clarified where that line
always was.
Gwen: OK, what’s
next then? We’ve been talking about constitutional limits on adjudication, who
can decide, which cases they can keep in-house. Next time, we are following one
person, a Social Security disability claimant, from the moment they filed their
application all the way through to a final decision. Every stage, every waiting
period, every decision point.
Marc: Okay, so the
entire administrative journey.
Gwen: Exactly. So
you can see it before we start diving deep into parts of it.
Marc: So that does
it for today’s episode on Administrative Remedies. Thank you for joining us
today. Please, if you enjoy this podcast and enjoy this episode, give us a like
on Spotify, iTunes, or whatever platform you’re listening on. And be sure to
tune in next time where we’ll continue to dive into the contours of
administrative law, because remember, you can’t fix what you don’t understand.
Related Guides
- Jarkesy Jumps to the FTC: Intuit v. FTC Explained — The Fifth Circuit extension of Jarkesy to the FTC's in-house adjudication of deception cases. If Jarkesy raised the question, Intuit is the answer for one of the other agencies most likely to face similar challenges.
- Trump v. Slaughter Explained: The Case That Ended Independent Agencies — The 2026 decision that reshapes the accountability structure around SEC in-house adjudication. Together with Jarkesy, Slaughter attacks the SEC's structural design from a different angle — leadership rather than forum choice.
- Who Decides: ALJs vs. Non-ALJs — Jarkesy raises the constitutional question of whether SEC ALJs can even hear certain cases. This guide explains who ALJs are, what tenure protections they've historically had, and how the post-Slaughter landscape affects those protections.
